Ke gay ra cai chet cua 3 trieu nguoi van duoc bon doc tai ton thogreenspun.com : LUSENET : Vietnamese American Society : One Thread
Ho Chi Minh hoc le'n duoc hoc thuyet CS cua Nga Cong da gay ra cai chet cua 3 trieu con nguoi VN ma CS van con duoc ton tho. Mai mot CS sup quang xac no ra quang truong 3 dinh cho doi tha qua ria moi xung dang.
Ngày 14-11, Đại sứ quán nước ta tại Nhật Bản đã long trọng tổ chức lễ khánh thành Nhà tưởng niệm Chủ tịch Hồ Chí Minh, vị lãnh tụ kính yêu của dân tộc ta, người bạn lớn của nhân dân các dân tộc trên toàn thế giới. Tham dự buổi lễ có đông đảo cán bộ, nhân viên Đại sứ quán và các cơ quan đại diện Việt Nam tại Nhật Bản.
Nhà tưởng niệm Chủ tịch Hồ Chí Minh nằm ở vị trí trung tâm đại sảnh trụ sở mới của Đại sứ quán. Bức tượng đồng vị Cha già dân tộc, do Ban quản lý lăng Chủ tịch Hồ Chí Minh gửi tặng là bức tượng đồng đầu tiên của lãnh tụ được đặt tại Đại sứ quán nước CHXHCN Việt Nam ở nước ngoài.
-- (email@example.com), November 18, 2004
Ngày nào bóng giáng thằng Việt Gian Buôn Dzân Bán Nước Hồ Chí Cùn và lá cò Mái không còn phất phới trên đất Việt thì ngày đó Việt Nam và Dzân Việt Nam mới thực sự hướng Thái Bình và thịnh vượng
-- (|||||A|||@LLL.com), November 18, 2004.
Ngày nào bóng giáng thằng Việt Gian Buôn Dzân Bán Nước Hồ Chí Cùn và lá cò Máu không còn phất phới trên đất Việt thì ngày đó Việt Nam và Dzân Việt Nam mới thực sự hướng Thái Bình và thịnh vượng
-- (|||||A|||@LLL.com), November 18, 2004.
Theo toi, Ho chu tich khong phai duoc nho den nhu 1 nguoi mot nguoi cong san, ma la mot nguoi co cong danh dep giac ngoai xam. Chinh vi the ma sau nhung hoat dong cua Ho chu tich gan 100 nam, nguoi dan Vietnam da coi ong nhu 1 bieu tuong, 1 vi anh hung dan toc, giong nhu cac vi tien boi Tran Hung Dao, Quang Trung,Le Loi,...Khong ai chac chan la cac vi tien boi nay khong lam dieu gi sai ca, nhung rut cuoc nhung vi nay van duoc nho den, va duoc tho cung vi co cong lon voi dan toc.
Toi nghi cac bac o day tan cong vao mot bieu tuong cua mot dan toc nhu the la mot cach lam khong thong minh, co le la ngu xuan.
-- cs (firstname.lastname@example.org), November 18, 2004.
Người Việt Nam rất trọng danh dự gia đình do đó gặp một tên vô loại người ta không chửi nó mà chửi cha mẹ ông bà nó như "tiên sư cha nhà mi" hoặc "tổ cha nhà mi" ĐM mày ,dồ lộn giống . . . .
Bọn sán lãi cũng biết điều đó nên chúng càng làm tội ác càng vinh danh Hồ Chết Xình vì nếu dân oán hận thì cứ việc chủi cha Hồ Chết Xình chúng đéo sợ ,thật là âm mưu thâm độc .
Thằng họ Kim của Bắc Hàn bây giờ mới biết điều ấy nên đã âm thầm cho công an gỡ hết hình ảnh cuả hắn :
N. Korea Pulls Kim Images From Buildings
Some experts believe that by taking down portraits, Kim is playing down the official adulation to remove himself as a target for public discontent in his impoverished country.
-- thich du thu (email@example.com), November 18, 2004.
Anh CS noi dung nhung chi la mot phan rat nho. Co the HCM co cong trong viec khang chien chong thuc dan Phap nhung viec HCM nay quyet dinh danh chiem mien Nam lam chet 3 trieu nguoi day VN xuong vung bun ngheo doi da chung to han la thang ngu xuan. Thay mien Nam duoc My bao tro nhu vay ma van thi' qua^n de dat duoc muc dich cua minh thi dung la chi co nhung thang ngu xuan nhat moi lam. Theo thong ke cu tran nao co 1 linh My chet la co khoang 20 linh Bac viet chau troi. Thi mang con nguoi de dat muc dich cua minh la thang lanh dao cho chet chu chang co gi la anh hung ca. Cung toi nghiep may anh linh Bac Viet co biet gi ve thoi cuoc cu nghe vi 'cha gia dan toc' ho hao danh duoi thuc dan My.
O VN cu nghe mot chieu, cai gi chinh phu cho nghe thi nghe roi tuong day la su that. Nhung ma chu CS kho khao a, bon CS trong nuoc bay gio noi chu nghia Mac Le chung no cuoi ho^ ho^', chung co biet me gi dau. Chung chi loi dung chieu bai CS va mang cai xac uop o quang truong ba dinh de duoc ru ngu nguoi dan de cho chung doc tri dat nuoc. Co the Dang Vien moi thang trieu phu duoc, con nguoi dan thi cuc kho khong du an.
Cong nhan HCM la bieu tuong that nhung la bieu tuong trong toilet. Co nghe cau ban cau mang ten Bac bao gio chua?
-- The diet CS (firstname.lastname@example.org), November 18, 2004.
Chinh toi la nguoi viet tren dien dan nay la: dang cs bay gio chi la cai ten cho nguoi ta loi dung, cung nhu nguoi ta dang loi dung cai ten HCM.
Con ve chuyen danh chiem mien Nam thi the nay. Theo nhu cach My cu xu thi voi cac nuoc My coi la khung bo, My se tan cong va tieu diet. Voi nuoc nhu Cu Ba,My se tim cach lat do chinh phu khong than thien. Khoi XHCN sup cung la vi the...Theo toi, tai thoi diem do ma mien Bac khong danh vao mien Nam de duoi My thi cung bi My tan cong roi (day la toi con khong biet chac la mien Bac gay chien hay My gay chien truoc, theo nhu su kien Vinh Bac Bo ma cp VNCS noi thi My gay chien truoc). Muon cho chet thi ngoi yen, song thi phai hanh dong, bac chon cai gi. Tat nhien la con co xui giuc cua Lien Xo, TQ, nhung cac bac cung nghe My ram rap con gi
Toi chang theo cong san, cong siec gi het, toi cung biet la chinh phu VN hien gio co nhieu tieu cuc, toi co y kien cua rieng toi chang nghe ai ca. Chi muon cac bac nhin nhan cho khach quan thoi.
-- cs (email@example.com), November 18, 2004.
Cái truyện Miền Bắc ga6y chiến thì nó đã rõ như ban ngày, người miền bắc theo lệnhnGa Tầu đô" bộ đội vào Nam chứ người Miền Nam có đổ ra bắc mà chiếm Hà Nội bao giờ việc này thì rõ như ban ngày quân CS Bắc Việt Ôm súng nga đạn Tầu vào nam gây máu đổ thịi rơi
-- (|||||A|||@LLL.com), November 18, 2004.
This article illustrates that Chomsky was lying about when we knew what was happening in Vietnam, just as, far more seriously, he was lying about what we knew about Cambodia. He led the reader to believe that at the time no one even suggested a bloodbath was happening in Vietnam, when we all knew something terrible was happening in Vietnam, and some people most certainly did suggest a bloodbath was under way. In particular Le Thi Anh accused the North Vietnamese regime of committing a bloodbath in the course of their pacification of South Vietnam.
National Review, April 29, 1977, page 487
--------------------------------------------------------------------- - ---------- SECOND ANNIVERSARY
The New Vietnam
LE THI ANH
It is two years ago this month since the communists overran South Vietnam. When Saigon first fell there was much speculation in the west about the likelihood of a bloodbath; as the months passed, however, and there was little news the speculation began to taper off Now two years later, Vietnam and its people have vanished almost completely from the American consciousness. Those once actively concerned about the war both doves and hawks, share a common interest in forgetting that faraway land of so many unpleasant memories.
U.S. antiwar groups dont want to be reminded of Vietnam for fear of having to admit that their marches, demonstrations and successful cut- the-aid campaign resulted in death or detention for thousands of South Vietnamese, many of whom were their partners in non- Communist opposition to President Thieu
U.S. officials also are anxious to contain unhappy news from Vietnam, because it will reveal how inadequate the American evacuation program was, as well as how the U.S. failed its allies. According to Frank Snepp, a CIA analyst who served in Saigon, the American Embassy wasnt able to destroy its top- secret files during the frantic evacuation, and among the: information that fell into Communist hands was a list of 30,000 Vietnamese who had worked in the Phoenix program, a U.S.-sponsored operation responsible for the elimination of thousands of Communist agents. A full report on the massacre of those 30,000 Phoenix cadres is said to have. reached the desk of the French ambassador to Saigon by late 1975; he communicated it to . Washington. where nothing was done with it.
The American media also seem to want forget Vietnam. Scores of former concentration camp inmatesVietnamese who escaped not in April 1975 but after the Communists had been in power a whilehave arrived in the United States. but they get very little attention from the press. (Although this was recently remedied somewhat when Jean Lacoutures horror story of life in present-day Cambodia and Father Andre Gelinas account of life in South Vietnam after the takeover were reprinted in The New York Review of books
At the time Saigon fell, most people in the West assumed that if there were a bloodbath it would have to be motivated by anger, by the Communists desire for revenge and retaliation. Since none of those emotions was detected in the North Vietnamese rulers and their well disciplined troops as they marched into Saigon, onlookers concluded that there would be no bloodbathQED, Senator McGovern scoffed at the Ford Administration for its predictions. Its. ridiculous he said, to believe that Mme Binh is going to murder her compatriots. The Senator was right: Mme Binh was not going to murder anyone. The Communist system itself took on the job.
THE BLOODBATH is motivated not so much by hatred or revenge as by the necessity for the Communist system to purge itself of undesirable elements From a Marxist viewpoint political purge is a necessity in order to achieve political purity, a precondition to the building of socialism. Political purity ensures single mindedness, which in turn achieves high efficiency. The Vietnamese Communists, as they showed in their conduct of the war, are doctrinaire single minded, efficient. But not until all Vietnamesemen, women, and children think the Communist way will political purity be achieved for the new nation as a whole. This is why indoctrination re-education as they call it is of prime importance. For those who are too old or too stubborn to change elimination is the only alternative.
Seen in its proper context, the bloodbath is only one of the three columns holding up the structure known as One Red Vietnam. Those three columns are reunification, with Hanoi as the capital; full scale Marxist revolution in the South and political purge, i.e., bloodbath. This program was not ready to be put into effect immediately following the takeover. Hanoi was in a position to take the South militarily but not to turn it Communist overnight. A blood bath in the aftermath of the takeover would have served no purpose except to unleash emotions: but the Communist system as no place for real emotions it is machine which expertly creates synthetic emotions, such as; hatred of U S. imperialists, for its own ends No Vietnamese I know was surprised that a bloodbath did not occur immediately after the Communist victory. A bloodbath at that time would have been counterproductive, under the glare of international publicity and scrutiny thousands of foreigners, including scores of foreign correspondents, were still in Saigon all of them watching the behavior of the victorious troops. The pressand the worldwanted to see how this long bitter war would end. Hanoi wanted money for reconstruction and did not wish to jeopardize chances of getting aid by an early and spectacular massacre that would have awakened the conscience of the Free World.. 1f Hanoi is to get American aid, it must rely on those same elements in American society that fought against The Vietnam War so effectively; it must get them to work American public opinion and the U.S. Government around to such a course. And those elements do not like hearing about bloodbaths.
Hanoi has other reasons besides the obvious economic ones for wanting U.S. aid: It hopes to avoid total reliance on either the USSR or China; and it views U.S. reparations as the final; step in the humiliation of America. Thus, for all these reasons, the bloodbath had to be delayed: However, in March of 1976a year agothe bamboo curtain began to come down.
All foreign correspondents, news agency reporters, and UN and Red Cross representatives were ordered to leave Saigon (now Ho Chi Minh City before May 8, 1976. On June 10 th , both Hanoi and Saigon announced that 12 categories of people would face trial by peoples tribunals Among those to be "severe1y punished: the lackeys. of U.S. imperialism" those veterans of Thieus "puppet regime who failed repent their crimes and those who "owed blood debts" to the people; and the "past and present enemies of the government and revolution" (This is not the first appearance in Vietnam of peop1es tribunals. North Vietnamese refugees vividly remember that from 1956 to 1959, peoples tribunals using denunciation ion and torture, were responsible for 200,000 deaths in the North.)
Meanwhile, the regime had already started setting up its re- education camps" and new economic areas,
Thousands of urban Vietnamese families have been forced to sell their homes and start over again in new economic areas ere even the basic necessities are lacking. (Hence corruption, once thought of as a Thieu trademark, is flourishing: a new mandarin class has emerged ready to sell anything from a place in a fertile new economic area to a visa to France
-- (Tien_Phong@Hai_Au.com), November 17, 2004.
-- Anh post lại cho chú mày nhìn thôi thế nào là xâm lược Miền Nam của Ta6.p Đoàn CS BV (|||||A|||@LLL.com), November 18, 2004.
Anh post Lại cho chú mãy hiểu dzân Miền Nam văn minh bao nhiêu so với tụi CS BV của chú : State Department Official Talks With Millbrook High Class About Vietnam
October 29, 2001 - A U.S. State Department official recently visited a Millbrook High class to talk about his connections to and views on Vietnam.
Robert Carlson Robert Carlson, who now works at the U.S. Embassy in Bogota, Colombia, worked the State Department's Vietnam desk when the U.S. established diplomatic ties with Vietnam in the 1990s. Carlson told Lindy Poling's Lessons of Vietnam class October 12 that his views on the southeast Asia country had changed over time. His earliest memories of the war were news reports.
"I was a child during the Vietnam War," Carlson said. "I grew up seeing it on TV. It was the first war that was in our living rooms. Frankly, for a child, it was scary to see people being machine gunned and hand grenades being thrown while you are having dinner."
When Carlson turned 18, he had to register with Selective Service, an issue made significant by Vietnam.
"My friends and I sat around and debated what we should do," Carlson said. "We didn't know if we wanted to sign up for the Selective Service because of the bad experience that our country had in Vietnam. Nobody wanted to go to war after that. During World War Two, the number of draft dodgers was a handful. In the Vietnam War, the number of draft dodgers was enormous. It was because a lot of people believed that the war was wrong. The United States had not been attacked. The United States was out meddling in another country, people said. Finally, I decided I would register for selective service, but that I would give very careful consideration to serving in the armed forces if I was drafted to fight in a war where my country was not attacked."
In college, Carlson took a course on the Vietnam War. The course required each student to interview a veteran or refugee of the war. That's when Carlson met Thanh.
"He was born in Saigon and grew up there," said Carlson. "He was about 10 or 12 in 1975 when Saigon fell."
Thanh told Carlson the day Saigon fell, the schools were closed.
"They were closed for a few weeks and then reopened. He returned to find that all his teachers were gone and they had been replaced by North Vietnamese teachers who changed the history," said Carlson. "Thanh said they told him how bad the south was, how inferior the south was, how the Americans had invaded Vietnam, and how the North Vietnamese had liberated the South Vietnamese from the Yankee Imperialists. Than didn't really swallow that. He knew he had a good life before the North Vietnamese arrived."
At school, Thanh focused his attention on math. But at home, life became more difficult. His uncles were sent to re-education camps and the new government had spies on every block. Thanh's family fled the country. They bought their way onto a fishing boat and made it to Malaysia. After months in a refugee camp, officials put them aboard another boat, took it out into international waters, and set it adrift. They were rescued by Indonesian fishermen who took them to a refugee camp in Indonesia. From there, his family was sponsored by a church group in Bloomington, Indiana and made their way to the U.S.
Teacher Lindy Poling introduces Robert Carlson to her Lessons of Vietnam class. "We used to think that maybe we were wrong to fight in a far-off country. It was the Cold War. It was like the people who were running this country were only fighting this war as a way to stick it to Russia and to keep the threat of community conspiracy from spreading throughout southeast Asia," said Carlson. "But Than made me think that maybe there really was a just cause here. I began to think differently. I realized what happened after the U.S. left Vietnam was really tragic. The communist regime executed a lot of people, tortured a lot of people, and enslaved almost the entire population. I don't think people in the U.S. really expected that."
In 1988, Carlson began working for the State Department and in 1996 went to Washington to work on the Vietnam desk. To acquaint desk officers with their countries, they take an orientation tour.
"I was excited because I was going to get to go to the country that everyone had always talked about, the country that I had been studying, the country where events had changed our nation's psyche," said Carlson. "Hanoi was a dreary place. It was overcast a lot. Saigon, now called Ho Chi Minh City, was a completely different city. It is a bustling, booming city with a lot of commerce. That's probably what struck me the most about the visit, the contrast between north and south."
Carlson found North Vietnam to have a very conservative culture, heavily influenced by China. He thought the south more liberal and open.
In Ho Chi Minh City, Carlson visited the former U.S. Embassy building shortly before it was demolished to make way for a new U.S. Consulate.
"I couldn't believe it. I had seen pictures of it," said Carlson. "I had seen pictures of this building during the Tet offensive in 1968 when the Viet Cong took over the embassy and killed a bunch of foreign service officers before they were finally routed out and killed themselves by U.S. forces. Going into the building was like visiting a haunted house. It was eerie with all the empty offices. I went up to the roof and saw where the helipad was. I saw the stairs and iron ladder that people used to escape when they evacuated people out of there in April 1975. It was an experience that left me speechless."
Pete Peterson on the Internet US DEPARTMENT OF STATE: Pete Peterson
PBS: Pete Peterson, Assignment Hanoi
Online News Hour: Pete Peterson, August 9, 1999
THE WHITE HOUSE - AMBASSADOR PETE PETERSON, November 18, 2000
Asia Society: Pete Peterson, March 9, 2001 While Carlson worked the Vietnam desk, President Clinton nominated Pete Peterson as the first ambassador to Vietnam.
"Peterson was a POW in the war. He spent five and half years in the Hanoi Hilton. He endured torture, but was one of the lucky survivors," Carlson said. "He came back to the United States, became a successful businessman, ran for Congress, defeated an incumbent, and served two terms in the U.S. House. He thought he could make a greater contribution as the nation's first ambassador to Vietnam, because if anybody could think about forgiveness and reconciliation, it was someone like Pete. Not long into my term as Vietnam desk officer, Pete Peterson was confirmed as our ambassador and he went to Vietnam and opened the embassy with the Secretary of State."
In 1979, Vietnam invaded Cambodia and the U.S. had established policy that there would be no relationship with Vietnam until it withdrew from Cambodia. Vietnam left Cambodia in 1989 and Peterson arrived in Hanoi as ambassador in May 1997.
"When you don't have diplomatic relations with a country and you don't have a dialogue with that country, you can't expect to influence that country in any way," Carlson said. "We were aware there were enormous human rights violations in Vietnam and we could do nothing to help the people. By re-establishing relations, we were able to create a dialogue with the Vietnamese government, of which I was part. Our human rights dialogue involved mid- and high-level officials who would meet every six months to go over a list of cases, and political prisoners, and try to get Vietnam to loosen the reigns a little bit. For example, we were able to persuade them to permit the Internet in Vietnam. We were able to win the release of several political prisoners. Our commercial relationship began to grow. That was what the Vietnamese really wanted. They couldn't get their economy off the ground and almost no country can get its economy off the ground without having trade relations with the United States. By using that as a carrot, we were able to produce changes in Vietnam and I think what we will see there is a change in generations."
Carlson said that way over 50 percent of Vietnam's population was born after the war and have no recollection of the war.
"Most don't care about it," said Carlson. "They want to live their lives, earn some money, and become prosperous. I think that's how things will eventually change in Vietnam."
Carlson visited Poling's class as part of her Community in the Classroom concept that involves students by hearing speakers who visit the classroom, corresponding by e-mail with a wide range of contacts Poling has developed as part of her course, and taking part in activities such as a dinner with veterans and a visit to the Vietnam War monument in Washington, DC.
Visiting speakers stimulate class discussions and Poling asked students to write letters responding to speakers like Carlson. For Poling a critical lesson for the students was Carlson's discussion about Thanh's life in Vietnam after the U.S. left.
"Its amazing the hardships people must go through just to have a glimpse of freedom, to escape the home and everything you have known for so long and leave it behind," wrote Michelle. "It must be difficult; I cannot even begin to imagine leaving America to live in another country, because freedom no longer exists. You have opened so many doors and questions for me to look forward to learning more about Vietnam and its lessons for us."
"I had never really paid much attention to a Vietnamese point of view until you told the story of your interview with Thanh," wrote Erika. "It really touched me because for the first time, I was hearing a totally different story. It has not just a war that had not purpose anymore, it was a war for ones own country. It became a war with a purpose, a huge purpose. This man's family depended on the outcome of this war. Thank you for giving me the turn around on the view."
"Introducing the lesson you learned from interviewing Thanh and hearing his side of Vietnam was important for us," wrote Riannon. "It is difficult to live in America and have adequate access to a Vietnamese perspective. I think we should have some understanding of what the South Vietnamese were going through because it is one of the major strong points for why the U.S. even became involved in the war."
Carlson told the class small decisions may have enormous unforeseen consequences on world events, "It's not just the world's leaders who drive history, its also average people like you and me." As an example he pointed to the attraction between two people and the impact it had years later on events in the U.S.
"A man and a woman in Austria at some point smiled at each other back in the 19th century and that completely changed the course of our world history," Carlson said. "They were the parents of Adolph Hitler. If they had never met, if they had missed each other by five minutes, the world would be completely different. If Hitler had never been born, its very likely there never would have been a Holocaust. If there had never been a Holocaust, then there wouldn't have been such an incredibly strong western sympathy for the creation of the state of Israel. And if the state of Israel had never been created, the Muslim radicals in the Middle East wouldn't hate the United States so much. And it would be very likely that Osama bin Laden would not have been converted into a radical and the events of September 11 never would have happened."
"Our class had a discussion about your comment on two people smiling at one another," wrote Erika. "To believe that our world can change so much much because of the simplest things is amazing. In one way, it is a scary thought with your example of Hitler. I also see it as something good because even 'The Lessons of Vietnam' class is small, we can make a difference, too."
"We have been taught to look at the big picture, but you broke it down all the way back to Hitler; it made me realize that if it was not for WW II and the Cold War, that September 11 might have never happened All our military technology and space advancement might have never occurred; how different life would be for us as Americans today," wrote Michelle.
"I was amazed when you talked about how if two people had not looked at each other then Hitler would not have been born," wrote Norma. "I never realized that everything 'common' people do could have unimaginable effects. Over the weekend, every person I talked to and things I did, I questioned the effect that I might be making on someone else."
-- (Cán_Ngố_Ãn-Dải-Dút@BBP.govt), November 18, 2004.
-- (|||||A|||@LLL.com), November 18, 2004.
-- (|||||A|||@LLL.com), November 18, 2004.
Vietnam: The Evolution of Post-War Relations With The United States Porter Olsen
Political Science 170
MWF 11:00, Dr. Carl H. Yaegrr
"Vietnam is still with us. It has created doubts about American judgement, about American credibility, about American power--not only at home, but throughout the world. It has poisoned our domestic debate. So we paid an exorbitant price for the decisions that were made in good faith and for good purpose" (Vietnam: Yesterday and Today, 1).
This quote by Henry Kissenger can be found at the top of the World Wide Web page, Vietnam: Yesterday and Today. The web page and the quote it self are testaments to the fact that of all the wars in which the United States has been engaged with the exception of the Civil War none has been as difficult to come to terms with as the Vietnam conflict. Even in the case of the Civil War, most of the southern states were reinstated into the Union within two years. Now, twenty years later, the U.S. has finally established diplomatic ties with communist Vietnam. Almost since the establishment of the union, the United States has had a policy of quick resolution after a war. The obvious example of this is the United States' help in rebuilding Japan and Germany after World War II. A large portion of the thirteen billion dollars the United States allotted for the rebuilding of post World War II Europe went to strengthen West Germany. In Japan American ideals of democracy paired with industrial technology helped to make Japan the world power it is today. Yet with the conclusion of the Vietnam conflict, America did just the opposite of her traditional post-war ideal and levied a trade embargo against the now communist controlled Vietnam. The reason for this difference, but not necessarily the embargo, is simple; we lost.
There were no trials of war criminals, there were no hero's welcomes from liberated countries or proud Americans. What proved most destructive to continued relations with Vietnam was that there was no chance to recover the remains of those Missing In Action or MIA's and Prisoners Of War. All of these issues (and many others) combined to make it impossible for America to react with help and kindness as it had with its former enemies.
Although President Clinton will be remembered as the U.S. president who normalized relations with Vietnam, he was not the first to attempt it. In 1977 President Jimmy Carter cautiously extended the olive branch to the new Vietnamese government. Soon after his election President Carter said that he "would be perfectly glad to support the admission of Vietnam to the United Nations and to normalize relations with Vietnam"(Olson ,276). This attempt to rectify past differences showed promising signs of success as academic and cultural exchanges were made. In1978, however, Vietnam made several mistakes. First, the Vietnamese government demanded reparations from the U.S. as the condition for reestablishing diplomatic ties and normalization. These demands, which made the U.S. feel like the war criminal instead of the liberating hero, opened old wounds for the American people. Despite President Carter's efforts, Congress killed any attempt to normalize relationships with Vietnam.
Second, in 1978 Vietnam committed another act that further estranged relationships with the western world and the U.S. in particular. In reaction to the devastation brought upon the Cambodian people (Vietnam's immediate neighbor to the south) by the Khmer Rouge and, in the interest of her borders, Vietnam invaded Cambodia. The Vietnamese hten launched an offensive against the Khmer Rouge, forcing them into the jungles and establishing the People's Republic of Kampuchea. This put an end to the mass slaughters of Pol Pot and the Khmer Rouge, but it was a major undertaking by a country not prepared to deal with the repercussions of an invasion.
In reaction to this invasion of Cambodia the U. S. government initiated a trade embargo against Vietnam. This embargo was supported by the Western European countries and other non communist Asian countries. This U.S. lead embargo kept Vietnam from receiving the much needed foreign investments that it required to reestablish its virtually ruined economy.
Vietnam had never fully recovered economically from the war with the U.S. The North Vietnamese government lacked the capital to initiate programs to rebuild the damage caused by the bombing of Vietnamese communication and transportation systems. They had insufficient food for their population, and the corruption that had so crippled the South Vietnamese government had found its way into the once idealistic North Vietnamese communist regime.
Despite these conditions, Vietnam had a standing army of one million men, the fourth largest in the world. Because of this fact, and not wanting to see Vietnam spread her influence in South East Asia, China launched a small invasion of Vietnam. Although this border conflict lasted only one month, 35,000 people were killed. On their retreat, the Chinese destroyed several towns, blew up important railways, and obliterated important power plants and a phosphate mine responsible for most of Vietnam's fertilizer.
The Vietnamese were now fighting wars on two fronts, the people were starving, and the government was being eroded by corruption. These awful conditions, coupled with the U.S. embargo, forced Vietnam to turn to the U.S.S.R. for help. The Soviet government responded to Vietnam's request for help with $1.5 billion in aid annually. Soviet involvement brought Vietnam heavily under the control of Moscow. This satellite relationship with the Soviet Union further wedged distrust and enmity between the United States and Vietnam.
As the United States entered the "Reagan" era of the 1980s a new issue arose that would further estrange the two countries: the accusation that Vietnam was still holding POW's and MIA's in prison camps. Along with President Reagan's ideals of restoring American pride came the idea of a tough foreign policy. This applied especially to Vietnam. In 1982 (the same year the Vietnam memorial was dedicated) Vietnam agreed to talks about American MIA's still in Vietnam. Although the Vietnamese government made several attempts to promote better relations with the U.S. in the 80s, the Reagan administration refused to further these attempts until the volatile issues of Vietnamese occupation of Cambodia and the more emotional issue of American POW's was addressed.
Besides the insistence of the Reagan administration that American POW's were still in Vietnam, Hollywood helped to convince the American public that not only were our service men still held captive, but were being tortured as well. Movies such Missing In Action and Rambo popularized the idea of an American retribution against the cruel Vietnamese captors of our starved soldiers. Despite Hollywood's subscription to the idea of POW's, many people have criticized President Reagan for his stand on the issue. On such critic, Terry H. Anderson, wrote, "Technically, it is impossible for any Vietnamese government to find all recoverable remains' under fifteen years of jungle growth. . . Also MIA's are not just an American problem. The French still have 20,000 MIA's from their war in Indochina and the Vietnamese list over 200,000. Furthermore, the United States still has 80,000 MIA'S from World War II and 8,000 from the Korean War, figures that represent 20 and 15 percent, respectively, of the confirmed dead in those conflicts; the percentage is 4 percent for the Vietnam War. . . . The real "noble cause" for [the Reagan] administration is not the former war but its emotional and impossible crusade to retrieve "all recoverable remains"(Olson, 279).
The media's popularization of the POW situation and the resurgence of American pride fueled the animosity of the 70s through the 80s. Finally in 1988, the downward spiral of hate and distrust stopped when Vietnam started to cooperate with the U.S. in resolving the fate of American MIA'S. In September of that same year the U.S. and Vietnam conducted the first joint field investigation looking for the recoverable remains of American service men.
In 1989 Vietnam continued to move toward better relations with the Western World as she completed the withdrawal of troops stationed in Cambodia. Despite her fear of the return of the Khmer Rouge, Vietnam needed to make serious changes in both domestic and foreign policies. The Soviet Union was collapsing and was no longer able go give the desperately needed financial aid. Hunger and poverty were still rampant, and the cost of maintaining an occupational force in Cambodia was sapping the life out of the country. A new, more liberal, Vietnamese government knew that they had to get the U.S. to lift the trade embargo for the country to have a chance at recovering from it's twenty year depression. The end of the embargo would also allow Vietnam to qualify for international bank loans. These loans would allow Vietnam to pay back old debts and obtain new funds for economic progress.
To further these ends, Vietnam petitioned Washington for guidelines detailing what she would need to do to normalize relations and lift the embargo. In 1991 a congressional committee was formed to investigate the POW issue and President Bush outlined a "road map" to normalization, stressing that there be significant improvement regarding the POW and MIA issue. In cooperation with the Vietnamese government, Washington set up a permanent office in Hanoi headed by retired general, John Vessey. Its purpose was to determine the location of lost soldiers. The joint effort proved very positive and a great deal of headway was made. Although there were and are many U.S. soldiers still unaccounted for, the U.S. and Vietnamese government were sincerely and successfully working together to tie up the remains of a conflict that was said to have ended 18 years before.
As relations began to thaw between the two countries, capitalism and free market economics became the engine that propelled the U.S. to normalize relations and lift the trade embargo. In December of 1992 President Bush allowed U.S. firms to establish offices in Vietnam in anticipation of the lifted embargo. However, the embargo was still in place and prevented American firms from biding for development projects in Vietnam.
In January of 1993 the congressional committee that was formed to determine the POW/MIA issue reported that "There is no compelling evidence that proves that any American remains alive in captivity in Southeast Asia" (Kehoe,1583). Soon after this report President Clinton removed U.S. opposition to World Bank loans allowing Vietnam access to nearly $230 million in much needed capital with which to begin reforms. Still, U.S. companies were disadvantaged by the existing U.S. embargo which President Clinton renewed in September of 1993. However, he eased restrictions on the embargo allowing U.S. firms to bid on projects funded by the newly available World Bank loans.
At this point it was only a matter of time before the embargo was lifted. And,with Vietnam's help, new information regarding POW's and MIA's was being brought to the surface monthly. American business was eager to take advantage of the emerging free market economy in Vietnam. And the U.S., concerned with growing Chinese military power realized that Vietnam could be more advantageous as a friend than as an enemy. These reasons in mind, President Clinton ended the 19 year embargo with Vietnam in February of 1994, opening the way for capitalism to replace communism in the marketplace instead of the battlefield.
Positive progress on the MIA issue continued for the next year, giving support to those in favor of normalizing relations with our once enemy. At this point liaisons offices were opened between both capitols, but embassies had not yet been exchanged. On July 11, 1995 President Clinton, backed by strong bipartisan support from two former Vietnam veterans, Senators John Kerry (D, Mass) and John McCain (R, Ariz.), announced that the United States had normalized relations with Vietnam.
This action by President Clinton ignited strong reaction from certain members of both the House and Senate. Bob Dole, then Senate Majority Leader, vowed to stop funding for an embassy in Hanoi. Several representatives took similar stances on the issue and pledged support for Dole's initiatives. However, whether it was due to pressure from business investors, the Pentagon's desire for more alliances in Asia, or a general belief that twenty years is a long enough time to hate, on August fifth of the same year Secretary of State Warren Christopher opened the U.S. embassy in Hanoi, Vietnam.
Opposition to these events has been raised, stating that by normalizing relations with our once enemy we somehow have betrayed the servicemen who fought and died there. In response to this, one Vietnam War veteran visiting the Vietnam Memorial responded, "A lot of people I seved with lost their lives. . . It's time to get on with normal relations.
Back to my Academic Paper page. Comments, Questions? E-mail Porter Olsen
-- (Tien_Phong@Hai_Au.com), November 18, 2004.
Congressman Tom Davis (Virginia) Hails Passage of Resolution Recognizing the Sacrifices of Those Who Served in the Former Republic of Vietnam's Armed Forces
July 10, 2000
Washington, D.C. -
Congressman Tom Davis (R-VA-11th) today lauded House passage of legislation he authored that honors the courageous Vietnamese men and women who fought alongside American forces during the Vietnam conflict. Davis released the following statement on the bill, House Concurrent Resolution 322:
"I introduced this resolution several months ago to recognize the brave Vietnamese men and women who fought alongside American forces during the Vietnam conflict, and yet were never given the proper recognition. The individuals who served in the Armed Forces of the Republic of Vietnam should be commended for their bravery and courage in the face of severe adversity and hardship.
"This year marks the 25th anniversary of the Fall of Saigon to Communist forces. The Armed Forces of the Republic of Vietnam suffered enormous casualties during the Vietnam conflict. From 1961 to 1975, over 750,000 Vietnamese men were wounded and over 250,000 Vietnamese men were killed in action. These brave men made the ultimate sacrifice: they died fighting for freedom and democracy in their homeland.
"After the war, the government of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam forcibly rounded up intellectuals, political leaders, teachers, poets, artists, religious leaders, and former officers and enlisted personnel of the Armed Forces of the Republic of Vietnam and sent them to re-education camps?"
More appropriate term would be? Vietnamese Gulag ?? These camps evoke images akin to the Nazi death camps during World War II. The prisoners, deemed security risks by the Communist regime, were regularly beaten, starved, and tortured. Unfortunately, many did not survive.
"I would like to mention some remarkable individuals who survived the Vietnamese Gulag and have personally shared their stories with me. These stories speak of courage, spirit, and the human will to live. These individuals now live in Northern Virginia. Mr. Nguyen Cao Quyen, Mr. Nguyen Van Thanh, Mr. Tran Nhat Kim, Mr. Dinh Anh Thai are all former prisoners of the Vietnamese Gulag. Their crime: they were officers of the Armed Forces of the Republic of Vietnam or worked for the South Vietnamese government.
"Mr. Vu Hoi, an artist - Mr. Nguyen Chi Thien, a poet - and Professor Doan Viet Hoat, all were intellectuals who were imprisoned by the Communist government for expressing their beliefs about democracy. In total, these three men spent over 50 years in the Vietnamese Gulag.
"Finally, I would like to mention Father Nguyen Huu Le and Father Tran Qui Thien who were also imprisoned for many years because they would not use their influence with their parishioners to propagandize Communist ideology.
I am proud to represent these courageous individuals and others like them in Virginia's Eleventh District. "Although the current government of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam is a signatory to eight international covenants on human rights, it continues to treat members of the former Armed Forces of Vietnam and their families as second-class citizens. The government of Vietnam has established a two-tiered socioeconomic system, reminiscent of the apartheid regime used in South Africa and implemented by the Nazis to isolate Jews in the 1930's.
"A good example is education, which is highly valued in Vietnamese culture and society. Yet relatives of the men who suffered in the Vietnamese Gulag cannot enroll in schools because of a government- endorsed policy of exclusion.
Likewise, many relatives of these former prisoners find it difficult to obtain employment for the same reason. The government of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam is adding insult to injury to these principled men who endured years of wrongful imprisonment and torture only to have their families continue to suffer today by not having access to jobs, education, and proper medical treatment.
"The end of the Vietnam conflict produced an exodus of over 2 million Vietnamese who fled the country, many in rickety boats that were over- crowded and dangerous. They suffered treacherous seas, pirate attacks, dehydration, lack of food and medicine, and risked death rather than live under a Communist regime. Many of these refugees came to the United States where they have resettled, and are now proud Americans.
"While the Vietnamese-American Community has been successful in rebuilding their lives here in the United States, they have not forgotten those who fought in the name of freedom. Traditionally, the former Republic of South Vietnam and presently in Vietnamese-American communities all across America, June 19th represents a day to commemorate and honor both fallen and living heroes who have dedicated or are continuing to dedicate their lives to bringing international attention to freedom and the human rights situation in Vietnam. It is a day on which the community memorializes those who gave their lives and recognizes former prisoners of conscience for their commitment and sacrifice in the struggle for democracy and freedom.
"This is why on Vietnam Human Rights Day, I introduced, H.Con.Res. 322, a resolution honoring the sacrifices of individuals who served in the Armed Forces of the former Republic of Vietnam. As an original sponsor of the Congressional Dialogue on Vietnam and the Adopt-A- Voice-of-Conscience program, it is not only my honor, but my privilege to have introduced this resolution on behalf of all Vietnamese-Americans - especially, the tens of thousands living in Northern Virginia. We must never forget the sacrifices that the members of Armed Forces of the Republic of Vietnam made so that future generations may live in freedom. "I am overjoyed that my colleagues supported this important resolution today, because it reaffirms Congress' commitment to Vietnamese-Americans and others whose work helps to keep the spirit of freedom alive for those still living in Vietnam. It is my strongest hope that the citizens of Vietnam will one day be free, free to elect their own leaders and government, free to worship as they please, free to speak and print their own opinions without fear of persecution or harassment, and simply free to live their lives without government intrusion".
"This is the will of democracy and the Vietnamese people."
-- (Tien_Phong@Hai_Au.com), November 18, 2004.
Thằng chó đẻ hồ-chí-minh. là thằng tôi mọi trung thành cuả bè lũ quỷ đỏ cộng sản Nga Tàu. thằng chó đẻ này đã rước chủ nghiã CS vô tâm linh, vô tổ quốc , vô gia đình về đày đoạ, tàn sát nhân dân , tàn phá đất nước, huỷ diệt sức sống dân tộc đến tận cùng nghèo đói lạc hậu . thằng chó đẻ tôi mọi Tàu phù này đã trừ cha, chối mẹ dể tôn thờ TÀU PHÙ. nó đã chối bỏ dòng họ NGUYỄN, vốn là họ cha mẹ ruột nó ..để nhập dòng TÀU lấy tên họ LÝ-THỤY rồi HỒ-chí-minh để bợ đít tôn thờ thằng đồ tể MAO-trạch-đông...
-- (firstname.lastname@example.org), November 18, 2004.
O^ng co^' noi tien su cha ma^'y tram doi dua nao chui Bac Ho kinh yeu cua dan toc Viet Nam. Ma`y co biet tao rat buc xuc khi biet duoc nuoc Viet Nam co nguoi khinh su diet to, phan quoc theo giac, ba'n nuoc cau vinh, cha` dap len Danh du, Quoc the cua nuoc mi`nh nhu ma`y hay khong??? Ma`y la do^` to^i mo.i cho giac, khong biet pha^n biet le~ phai. May biet 1 ma khong biet hai, chu dung noi biet den 10. May khong phai la` con nguoi nua. May da tro thanh suc vat tu bao gio ro^`i ha??? May la` dua khong co' to tie^n, khong co' co^.i nguo^`n, ma`y co`n te^ hon ca con vat nua. Ma`y khong dang duoc sinh ra va` duoc song voi kie^'p 1 con nguoi. Ma`y la` ke doc a'c, xau xa hon ca nhung nguoi xau xa nhat.
-- Oanegcd Rickyhdg (email@example.com), November 18, 2004.
phan quoc theo giac, ba'n nuoc cau vinh, cha` dap len Danh du, Quoc the cua nuoc mi`nh nhu ma`y hay khong??? Ma`y la do^` to^i mo.i cho giac, khong biet pha^n biet le~ phai=
những ðiều trên chính là bản chất cuả bè lũ quỷ ðỏ cộng sản VN..
-- (firstname.lastname@example.org), November 18, 2004.
Cac bac muon lat hinh anh Ho chu tich thi truoc het hay den tru so LHQ (o Mi) ma chui rua,lat do truoc di.O do nguoi ta ton vinh Ho Chu tich,co giay to han hoi.Tot nhien la the gioi se tin vao LHQ chu chang doi nao nghe may thang chi pheo ca!
-- (@@@.@@), November 19, 2004.
5@ có thấy ở ngay trước trụ sở tổng hành dinh đảng CSVN đều có treo hình KSBH. Trong tất cả các văn kiện , văn khố cũa đảng Cộng Sản Việtnam đều nói rất rỏ công trạng KSBH hơn hẳn Hồ chí Minh. Họ nói rằng hồi còn ở hang PacPo Họ Hồ chỉ đi theo KSBH làm tà lọt và xách cặp táp.
5@ khong tin cứ hỏi mấy đời từ TBT đảng Lê Duẩn cho dến Nông đức Mạnh mổi khi gặp KSBH đều phải ...Salute...
Phải công nhận nói phéc lát nó sướng cái miệng thiệt đó.
-- Kẻ Sĩ Bắc Hà (email@example.com), November 19, 2004.
THẰNG HỒ MÀ VINH DỰ ĐƯỢC TREO ẢNH TRONG NHÀ XÍ CUẢ VĂN PHÒNG LHQ THÌ CHẮC CÁI XÁC THÚI CUẢ NÓ Ở BA-ĐÌNH CŨNG PHẢI ĐỨNG BẬT DẬY MÀ REO ĐẤY...
HÃY COI HÌNH TƯỢNG LENIN, LÀ VỊ THẦY CAO CẢ CUẢ HỒ CHÍ MINH VÀ LÀ CHÚA CUẢ LOÀI CỘNG SẢN CÒN BỊ LOÀI NGƯỜI QUĂNG VÀO BÃI RÁC. HUỐNG HỒ CHI HÌNH ẢNH MỘT THẰNG ĐẦY TỚ ĐÊ HÈN NHỎ MỌN CUẢ STALIN LÀ HỒ-CHÍ- MINH..
CHỈ CÓ LOÀI CỘNG SẢN VÔ TRI NGU XUẨN MÊ MUỘI MỚI TÔN THỜ NHỮNG THẰNG ĐỒ TỂ GIAN MANH ..
-- (firstname.lastname@example.org), November 19, 2004.
Anh CS lai dung nhung van chi la mot phan nho. Nguoi lanh dao phai la nguoi biet dat muc dich cua minh ma it ton kem nhat. HCM da ngu xuan quyet dinh gay chien tranh vi bi bon Nga, Tau xui duc. Hau qua nhu the nao, gio da ro.
Con ve chuyen My thi the nay. My la nuoc lon va nuoc lon thi cac quoc gia tren the gioi, thich hay khong thich, van can phai can than. Chuyen My can thiep vao VN khac voi viec My van thiep vao Iraq bay gio. Chuyen can thiep vao VN la chong lan song CS do dang tran xuong phia Nam. My chua bao gio coi Viet nam la khung bo. Nhu toi da noi nho vay ma may nuoc Dong Nam A qua chien tranh VN thu loi bac ty tu My, dua dat nuoc tien len. Con thang cho de ho chi minh dau oc mu muoi mang mang nguoi VN ra thi lam hon 3 trieu nguoi chet.
My bi vu 911 dau dieng nen viec tro nen die^`u ha^u la dieu de hieu. Nhan vu Iraq nghi tai tro cho khung bo va phai trien vu diet nguoi hang loat moi don phuong gay chien tranh voi Iraq. Nuoc lon ma bi gion mat la se co chuyen.
Khong phai la toi ung ho chuyen chien tranh voi Iraq nhung theo toi lam chinh tri phai khon kheo. HCM la mot thang ngu xuan vi lam lanh dao ma khong biet khon kheo, tai gioi.
-- (email@example.com), November 19, 2004.
to cha tui may tui may ranh qua ha tui may ko co viec gi lam sao to me tui may DANG CONG SAN VIET NAM MUON NAM DANG CONG SAN VIET NAM MUON NAM DANG CONG SAN VIET NAM MUON NAM HO CHI MINH MUON NAM HO CHI MINH MUON NAM
-- ho chi minh (firstname.lastname@example.org), November 23, 2004.
Há»i xÆ°a chÃ¢n lÃ½ thuá»c vá» káº» máº¡nh, bÃ¢y giá» váº«n tháº¿. Muá»n nÃ³i gÃ¬ thÃ¬ nÃ³i, BÃ¡c Há» váº«n lÃ má»t anh hÃ¹ng dÃ¢n tá»c kiá»t xuáº¥t trong viá»c ÄÃ¡nh Äuá»i giáº·c ngoáº¡i xÃ¢m, ÄÃ£ cho tháº¥y ráº±ng NGÆ¯á»I VIá»T NAM CHÃN CHÃNH KHÃNG PHáº¢I HÃNH Äá»NG THEO XÃI GIá»¤C Cá»¦A Báº¤T Ká»² AI cho dÃ¹ ÄÃ³ lÃ Má»¸, LIÃN XÃ, TRUNG QUá»C... cÃ²n viá»c lá»£i dá»¥ng vÅ© khÃ cá»§a Nga, TQ (bom Nga Äáº¡n TÃ u theo kiá»u cá»§a cÃ¡c vá»)Äá» tá»ng Má»¹ ra khá»i Viá»t nam thÃ¬ cháº£ cÃ³ gÃ¬ sai trÃ¡i, HÆ¡n ná»¯a máº¥y nÆ°á»c ÄÃ³ cÅ©ng ÄÃ¢u cÃ³ cho khÃ´ng, Äá»u cÃ³ toan tÃnh cÃ¡ nhÃ¢n cáº£ Cá»¤ ÄÃ Tá»ªNG Äá»NH THOáº¢ HIá»P Vá»I Má»¸ Äá» PHÃT TRIá»N THEO XU HÆ¯á»NG DÃN Tá»C NHÆ¯NG Má»¸ ÄÃ Dá»°NG Tá»¤I TAY SAI TRONG NAM TRÆ¯á»C Rá»I-CHáº¢ CÃN CÃCH NÃO Äá» CÃ ÄÆ¯á»¢C TOÃN Bá» VIá»T NAM THá»NG NHáº¤T: PHáº¢I ÄÃNH THÃI. Viá»c Äáº¥t nÆ°á»c Viá»t nam quÃ¡ nghÃ¨o nÃ n, láº¡c háºu lÃ do lÃ m kinh táº¿ kÃ©m, say sÆ°a mÃª ngá»§ quÃ¡ lÃ¢u trong niá»m vui tháº¯ng Má»¹ mÃ cháº£ chá»u há»c cÃ¡ch lÃ m Än, bÃ¢y giá» cÅ©ng Äang nhÃºc nháº¯c khÃ¡ lÃªn rá»i. TÃ´i tháº¥y TQ bÃ¢y giá» cÅ©ng cháº£ kÃ©m gÃ¬ Má»¹, Náº¿u pháº£i chá»u sá»± giáºt dÃ¢y cá»§a nÆ°á»c ngoÃ i thÃ¬ thÃ "BÃ¡n anh em xa mua lÃ¡ng giá»ng gáº§n"cÃ²n hÆ¡n. Má»¸ CÃNG NGÃY CÃNG Bá» CÃ Láº¬P - ÄÆ N PHÆ¯Æ NG HÃNH Äá»NG MÃI THÃ CÅ¨NG Sáº¼ Yáº¾U Dáº¦N THÃI, Cá»NG Äá»NG CHUNG CHÃU ÃU CÅ¨NG NGÃN Háº®N Rá»I, TRUNG QUá»C THÃ ÄANG Máº NG LÃN Ráº¤T NHANH, NGA TUY KINH Táº¾ SUY GIáº¢M NHÆ¯NG QUá»C PHÃNG VáºªN CÃN Máº NH CHÃN.
-- Truong Xuan Truong (email@example.com), December 15, 2004.
Truong xuan Truong viáº¿t>>> NGÆ¯á»I VIá»T NAM CHÃN CHÃNH KHÃNG PHáº¢I HÃNH Äá»NG THEO XÃI GIá»¤C Cá»¦A Báº¤T Ká»² AI cho dÃ¹ ÄÃ³ lÃ Má»¸, LIÃN XÃ, TRUNG QUá»C.... ===== Tháº¿ thÃ¬ Äáº£ng cá»ng sáº£n VN tá»« Ã´ng há» trá» xuá»ng..KhÃ´ng má»tb káº» nÃ o lÃ NGÆ¯á»I VIá»T NAM CHÃN CHÃNH Cáº¢..
CÃ²n chuyá»n Trung Quá»c BÃY GIá» Máº NH Gáº¦N Báº°NG Má»¸... ??
Trung Quá»c dÃ¢n sá» = 1tá»· 300 triá»u dÃ¢n.. = GDP nÄm qua cuáº£ Trung Quá»c chÆ°a ÄÆ°á»£c báº±ng má»t ná»a GDP cuáº£ Má»¹, vá»i dÃ¢n sá» hÆ¡n 200triá»u dÃ¢n... ThÃ¬ cÃ¡i Gáº¦N Báº°NG nÃ³ cÃ²n xa quÃ¡..HÆ¡n ná»¯a Trung Quá»c váº«n cÃ²n náº±m trong tÃ¬nh tráº¡ng thiáº¿u nguyÃªn liá»u tráº§m trá»ng....Bá»i tháº¿ tháº±ng TQ luÃ´n tÃ¬m Äá»§ má»i cÃ¡ch Äá» chiáº¿m trá»n cÃ¡c vÃ¹ng háº£i Äáº£o cuáº£ VN, vá»n giáº§u nguyÃªn liá»u Äá» khai thÃ¡c ...
= CÃI BÃN ANH EM XA MUA LÃNG GIá»NG Gáº¦N.. Vá»I THáº°NG TRUNG QUá»C Háº¢...??? HÃY Sáº´N SÃNG Gá»¤C Máº¶T LÃM NÃ Lá» CHO CHÃNG THÃM VÃI NGÃN NÄM Ná»®A CHO SÃNG CON Máº®T RA..Náº¾U MUá»N MUA ANH EM Gáº¦N Vá»I CHÃNG ...
-- (firstname.lastname@example.org), December 15, 2004.